31st AFSAAP conference

November 26 - 28 2008

Monash University

Building a common future: Africa and Australasia
 


Fully refereed conference papers and abstracts

Towards a critical introduction to an Italian post-colonial literature
Ali Mumin
Ahad
, School of Historical and European Studies, Italian Program, La Trobe University, Melbourne
This paper will discuss how, in postcolonial Somalia, the categories and concepts of the colonial period have been utilized and informed the political environment. It is a postcolonial “writing back” effect, in terms of cultural riposte and concept innovation.

During and after the colonial experience there has been a discursive failure, and a literary failure, to produce a better description of the reality or realities of those subjects who were once involved, in spite of themselves, in the colonial experience.  To establish a relationship between post-colonial literature and colonial literature, right from the start, allows to go back to the origins of this latter - that is, to colonial studies par excellence, anthropology and history – disciplines that have played an important role especially in literature. Where it develops subsequently as post-colonial historiography, it continues to elaborate remorse and rarely becomes a valid instrument for critical analysis of the present of the colonized societies.

The colonial period means, for nearly all the countries of the Horn of Africa, a historic opening out to wider cultural contacts.  In the Horn of Africa, the Italian presence, and Italy’s consequent cultural influence, certainly cannot be circumscribed within the brief time-span of the duration of the former Italian Empire, but extends before and after.  In Eritrea and in Somalia, Italian, for a long time the official administrative language, survives the end of colonialism. Today, even if Italian is no longer the language of administration and education, the Italian cultural heritage in Somalia is enormous and persistent.

Quantifying the Cost of African Brain Drain: An Economic Analysis of Diasporic Remittance to Nigeria
Dr Chika Anyanwu, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of Media, University of Adelaide, South Australia
Diaspora remittances
, migrant labour and brain drain are issues that have attracted many scholarly, governmental and NGO policy debates, and research interests: Buch et al (2002); Carling (2004); Mutume (2005); PriceWaterhouseCoopers (2007); Mares (2005); Lucky (2007); Udogu (2005); Balakrishnan (2007); Savina (2003); Bester, de Koker and Hawthorne (2004); Genesis (2003); Mohammed (2005); Plaza (2007); Orrenius (2003); Tiemoko (2003); Sander and Maimbo (2003); Isern, Donges and Smith (2006), and so many others. Many of these debates have centred on the benefits of remittance to homeland development. Even the World Bank reports of 2007 and 2008 implied that as many people migrate from developing countries to Western countries, that the remittances of such diasporic citizens, which have grown in excess of 240 Billion per annum, could be used as collateral to increase developing countries’ borrowing capacity. The importance of diaspora remittance became clearer when it was discovered that since 2005, diaspora remittances have surpassed foreign aids to developing nations.

While many of the researches on remittance, including those listed above, have concentrated on the benefits and costs of remittance to homeland, little has been done to correlate remittance with intellectual capital development in homeland economies. This research will use the 2007 Central Bank of Nigeria’s economic data on diasporic remittance to make a cost benefit analysis of remittance on the nation’s intellectual capital development. It is expected that the outcome of the analysis will give a better picture of what the country and continent as whole, gains or loses as a result of brain drain. This research data is also expected to trigger some practical soul searching strategies for more sustainable developments and intellectual capital management.

Dambudzo Marechera as shamanistic seer: How would Marechera see the Australia of today?
Jennifer Armstrong
, University of Western Australia
This paper will look at the particular mode of political criticism of late Zimbabwean author, Dambudzo Marechera, which is in a shamanistic and prophetic vein.  It will review how he saw Britain and post-independence Zimbabwe and will conclude by drawing together some ideas of what Marechera might have made of the Australia today, especially in terms of its race relations and human rights practices

Reconceptualising Statelessness in Africa
Samantha Balaton-Chrimes, Monash University
The UNHCR defines a stateless person as “a person who is not considered as a national by any State under the operation of its law” (1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless persons, Article 1.1).  The very essence of statelessness is deficiency, lack, or absence, specifically the absence of any formal relationship to a state.  Through their lack of citizenship, stateless people are understood to be in an undesirable and precarious condition, and particularly to be denied the opportunity for meaningful political action in a national community.  This paper examines three conditions other than conventionally defined statelessness which also fail to meet prescribed citizenship norms of rights and responsibilities in relation to a state.  These conditions are refugee-ness, residence in a ‘weak’ or ‘failed’ state, and residence in a rural area.  To the extent that these three conditions share in common exclusion from meaningful forums of state-centred political activity, they point to the need to re-evaluate the descriptive and normative value of citizenship and statelessness as political conditions in Africa.

Australia-Africa Education and Development Capability Alignment Strategy
Amadu Barrie, Centrelink
This paper aims to look at key areas considered “building blocks” of education and development in his native country Sierra Leone in particular and Africa in general.

Sierra Leone is a tiny West African nation that was engulfed in a decade-old civil war between 1991 and 2002. Today, the country is a role model for democracy and good governance, the envy of many African nations.


The author has chosen this topic for his presentation because he believes that it is  a prerequisite for Sierra Leone to continue to maintain her post-war equilibrium and uphold its hard won democracy. He feels strongly that Australia can play a positive role in maintaining both short and long-term development initiatives i.e. peace and stability through its involvement and engagement.

The key areas are:
(1)
Education & Information Communication Technology (ICT)
To bridge and establish a robust development program that will ensure that Australia’s IT maturity is disseminated in both the Government and Private sectors in Africa.
(2)
Government & International Relations (IR)
To establish a conducive relationship  where both nations can work together in various development and nation building initiatives.
(3)
Tourism and culture
This is an essential component of the overall strategy of creating a transparent international relationship where there is an understanding of the diverse cultures involved.
(4)
Business and Industry
This is a core component that will ensure the continuity of a formidable relationship. It will need to develop into a well established framework that will continuously support the development of business and industrially related initiatives and projects.
(5)
Africans in the diaspora.
This will address the need to conserve loyalty, domestic knowledge and local history that is becoming scarce. Loyal Africans have had to give up ownership of assets, relocate and start afresh in other nations due to political instability.

Strengthening community action on alcohol problems in South Africa and Indigenous Australia - Dr Maggie Brady (ARC QEII Fellow, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra)

Despite their geographical distance from one another, South Africa and Australia have much in common, including colonisation by European powers that displaced and decimated the indigenous populations. Both countries established wine industries early in their history and today have strong markets for these products. And both countries are now dealing with alcohol problems among indigenous and historically disadvantaged groups – problems that have developed over many decades. This paper examines the legacy of previous alcohol control policies, and the present day cross-fertilisation of harm reduction initiatives between South Africa and Australia

Systematic repression and rampant human rights abuses against the Oromo People in Ethiopia
Tarekegn Chimdi, Monash University, Clayton campus
The Oromo people are the majority and single national group in Ethiopia, accounting for about 35 million (40%) of 75 million population. Their political, economical social and cultural life in the Ethiopian empire assert, discrimination and marginalisation due to colonization of their country, Oromia ,by the Abyssinians at the end of 19th century.  Millions of citizens decimated, their egalitarian democratic institution of governance the Gada system; their cultural traditions and language were banned; their means of subsistence, land was confiscated and as a result forced to slavery and servitude.            

Since this regime came to power in 1991, serious systematic repression and pervasive human rights abuses  against the Oromo people has been reported. They encountered rampant human rights abuses, absurd relocation and eviction from their lands, experimented with unplanned resettlement schemes in hostile environments, face abysmal poverty and contamination of epidemic diseases. In general, people are being terrorized by federal police working-hand-in glove with local officials and militias. Such crackdown on citizens from all walks of life is a day to day activity in Oromia, including children as young as 11. The government routinely subjects its critics to harassment, extrajudicial killings, imprisonment and torture. A human rights group “ Society for Threatened Peoples” once described the situation as  If intellectuals, students, teachers, journalists, aid agency workers, artists, human rights activists and peasant farmers are subjected to human rights abuses solely on the basis of their origin, then the Ethiopian authorities are guilty of racism”.

Anthropology, colonialism and modernity: Max Gluckman’s vision of southern African society, 1939-1945
Dr Paul Cocks
, Loyola College, Victoria
While there is some debate in contemporary anthropology on whether there is a need for anthropology to engage with social theory about the nature of modernity, this debate ignores such an engagement by anthropologists in colonial southern Africa. This paper focuses on the work of Max Gluckman in Zambia. By focusing only not only his published work but also his attempts at ‘applied anthropology’ such as land tenure reform and reforming African administration, I demonstrate that his central concern was to develop the vision of the ‘common society’ articulated by W.M. Macmillan. Gluckman’s achievement in his South African research was to address the reality of difference posed by segregationist discourse, and then marginalise it by using his data to demonstrate the existence of a far–reaching interdependence and integration of all members of South Africa’s peoples into a ‘single social system’ or ‘common society’. However, during his Northern Rhodesian research, Gluckman went beyond this by using the comparative method to further investigate the different ways that socio–economic groups were being integrated into the world economy

Attitudes towards language and speech communities in Senegal: a cross-attitudinal study
Dr Ibrahima Diallo
, Lecturer, University of South Australia
Senegal is a multilingual country with several ethnic communities and a defendable social tolerance over many years.  Most official government figures list around 25 community languages in the country. Of these, the Wolof community is the largest (42.7%) and its native language, Wolof, is spoken by more than 80% of the population and is the lingua franca in most parts of the country.  However, fieldwork conducted in Senegal and based on a cross sectional study of the population reveals perceptible signs of the corrosion of the attitudes of Senegalese people towards the major speech community. For example, on questions on the attitudes towards learning the language, 51% of the respondents (N=404) mentioned they do not think of learning to read and write the Wolof language, 56% said they  have never made any effort to learn to read and write the language, and 46% indicated they would not attend if free Wolof classes were offered. On questions on the attitudes towards the Wolof speech community, 27% answered that the community is dishonest, 38% described the community as insincere, and 43% stated that the Wolof community is unreliable. Based on a battery of attitudinal questions, the paper examines  the attitudes towards speech communities in Senegal, namely the Wolof language and the Wolof speech community and draws comparisons with the attitudes towards the others communities (mother tongues), French (the colonial language), and English (the global language). The paper argues that language policy and planning in Senegal should focus on fostering positive attitudes towards Wolof communities in order to promote social cohesion and meet the language needs of the Senegalese people.

The labour economy of Equatorial Africa upon arrival of European colonialism
Matthew Doherty, LaTrobe University
My paper looks at evidence, drawn from missionary archives and elsewhere, on the labour economy of Central Africa at the time of European colonial penetration. Specifically I address the methods of production not directly shaped by the forces of imperialism that were commonly involved in the daily lives of Congolese in the late 19th century. I try to build a picture of the economic and social roles and activities of the local population engaged in a mixed subsistence economy. The peoples of the Lopori-Maringa basin practised a number of shifting or overlapping occupations. The notion of enduring vocation was largely unknown with the distribution of labour and other key roles commonly reliant, per local custom, on questions of age and gender. The concept of authority in its social aspect within the village is not directly addressed here. The key reality for Congolese was the prime necessity of food production. Accordingly farming and fishing activities were fundamental, and the elaborate systems and social relations are described and analysed. Hunting and gathering was very prominent. Crafts, including baskets, drums and ornamentation were common. Metal-working was greatly important, with the blacksmith’s workshop usually occupying a central part of the village. This then allowed access to the trade in prestige goods, metal-work (including copper) providing the most desirable items in the at-times lively river trade on the Upper Congo. Few populations found themselves a great distance from a navigable waterway. This was but one way in which the climate and geography of equatorial Africa shaped the daily lives of Congolese in the 19th century.

Indio- African Relations: Chinese Factor and Indian Responses
Ajay Dubey
, African Studies Association of India
India Africa Forum Summit in April, 2008 emphasised India’s competitive edge over traditional European and new Asian powers in the recent race to engage Africa. The new rush to Africa is not just for its economic resources but also for its growing political importance under African Union. Indian claims its advantage lies in its old, shared and negotiated relations with African countries. This relationship is multi dimensional and grew by accommodating the sensitivities and interests of each other. The key to understand India’s strength in its Africa policy and its acceptability in Africa is to understand as how it evolved and negotiated its multi pronged Africa policy and how it successively positioned itself since early 1950s vis-a-vis traditional powers and its Asian competitors.

During pre- colonial period Indian traders were present in the Eastern cost of Africa and there was a sizable presence of African diasporas along the Western coast of India. The common subjugation of India and Africa to colonial rule gave common experiences and legacies. It also led to massive movement of Indian indentured workers to African territories to replace slave workers and to serve other colonial needs like railway construction in East Africa or as soldiers in other regions of Africa. Resistance and fight against colonial and racial domination brought them together. South Africa converted barrister Mohan Das K Gandhi to Mahatma Gandhi, who led Indian freedom struggle. African freedom fighters and political formations modelled themselves after Indian National Congress. Gandhi and Nehru became their heroes. After India’s independence, decolonisation and anti- racialism became the key rallying point for India and Africa. Nehru took a very unpopular decision at home to actively dissociate India from Indian diasporas in Africa and other countries. He wanted to give comfort to natives, to contrast India’s policy from colonialist policies in Rhodesia and South Africa and to make its diasporas integrated with the locals. With all these good relations, India tried to promote Afro- Asian resurgence and NAM which India was leading. But Indo- Chinese war of 1962 demonstrated that the material support of China had an edge over India’s ideological and principled support to Africa. During mid- 60s  India restructured its policies to recover its lost ground in Africa. It started new policies under ITEC, South-South cooperation and Collective Self Reliance. Through these developmental initiatives, India regained its vibrancy in Africa. In the process it also realised that Africa is diverse, it is a continent and it cannot be treated like one country. It had to focus on its friends in Africa. As a policy it remained cautious of African sensitivities and came out with policies to avoid a new pecking order that was developing in Indo-African economic engagement under the umbrella of South-South cooperation.

Both India and Africa witnessed privatisation, liberalisation and globalisation during 1990s. The rapid economic growth of India, under private sectors and under the framework of globalisation, threw new challenges to Indo African relations. Priorities and drivers of India’s foreign policies changed. Multi nationals from India started operating in Africa. Under its larger imperative,  Africa again became important for energy hungry and fast growing Indian economy. India needs energy and mineral resources from Africa. Beside this, with its growing profile, India is seeking change in institutions of global governance like Security Council. India does not have the strength like veto power in UN or massive financial surplus as other competing suitors for Africa have. India, therefore, intends to build on its historical goodwill and presence of over 2 million settled Indian diasporas to boost its new economic and political initiatives in Africa.  Given the history of China being a major factor for Indian interest in Africa and alarmingly growing clout of China in Africa, India is repositioning its interactions and policies for Africa. Can the historical goodwill be translated for economic gain? And will African countries repeat the history by opting for hard support of China ignoring softer and ideology linked offers from India? In other words, are the historical goodwill and cultural relations between India and Africa strong enough to give India an effective competitive edge in Africa? The paper would examine whether India would have taken same aggressive proactive policies towards Africa if China factor was not dominant in Africa.

African Community Representation
Issa Mohamud Farah, School of Historical and European Studies, La Trobe University
African community representative organisations in Australia are too numerous to list.  The Somali community alone has over 50 community organisations registered or deregistered here in Victoria.  The Sudanese, although recently arrived, are close to achieving similar numbers and the Ethiopian and Eritreans; likewise Horn of Africa communities are represented by over 100 community organisations. 

All these organisations purport to work for the benefit of all their respective national communities but when you scratch the surface you will find that they really represent tribes, clans and sub-clans.  It is unnecessary and counterproductive to have so many organisations representing these communities.  They, and their nominal leaders, are disorganised, unable to work with each other, and ultimately do more harm to their respective communities than good as government service providers are increasingly confused and frustrated by an inability to seek out and work with organisations that can help them get their services into the communities. 

It is the intention of this paper to explore and discuss the underlying issues responsible for the high number of these organisations, their inability to work with each other and how their leaders undermine and work against each other and ultimately their own communities.

In addition, the paper will discuss how funding bodies and service providers are also unwilling, frightened or reluctant to collectively talk or redress the issues creating these problems.  Funding bodies are aware of the division among the African community organisations, but have tended to place this in a too hard basket, preferring to continue operating in a context that is acknowledged as being unsatisfactory.

This paper, while looking broadly at African communities in Victoria, will concentrate on the Somali community in Australia as they are one of the largest black African communities in Australia.

Ultimately this paper will present recommendations and approaches that can be followed in order to overcome the problems faced by these communities so they can have better integration to the mainstream communities in Australia.

South African social innovation and community development – strategies and perspectives for Australia?
Anthea Fawcett, Director, Southern Exchange
For many Australians, the 2008 apology to the stolen generations and Australia’s first peoples was cause for celebration, relief and an ‘opening’ of hearts. A re-newed spirit of reconciliation has been expressed, fostering new terrains of language and action. These terrains call for more sensitively nuanced forms of social innovation and cooperation. The National Apology effectively lifted the complacent veil on Australia’s first world status as it exposed the reality of third world social and economic conditions in this country. From this perspective, as Australians seek new forms of social innovation and collaboration, attuned to the practical and psychical legacies of social alienation and structural disadvantage, it is timely to turn our gaze ‘west’ to South African leadership in social innovation and community development.

Now in the adolescence of democracy, some of South Africa’s greatest achievements occur in the liminal spaces at the interface between first and third world realities -  where educators, social entrepreneurs, non-government organisations, corporate social investment programs and communities work together to redefine and tackle pressing social problems that affect disadvantaged individuals and communities. Many of these problems resonate strongly with difficulties faced by indigenous Australians in remote, rural and urban Australia. This paper will review a number of strategies and programs undertaken by leading South African community development practitioners who respectively work in youth development, urban greening, nutrition and education. Perspectives on participatory community development that may valuably contribute to more sustainable social development initiatives in the Australian context will be examined. 

Australia-Ethiopia Relations: Intercountry Adoption Shaping Transnational Affinity
Richard Gehrmann, Senior Lecturer, University of Southern Queensland
Each year a small number of Ethiopian children are adopted into Australian families as a result of a 1993 bilateral agreement negotiated between Ethiopia and Queensland. This paper explores the role of the intercountry adoption process in developing awareness of Ethiopia and of Africa within Australia. As a result of the intercountry adoption process, Australians and their extended families who might not otherwise relate to any one African country have developed a strong affinity for Ethiopia, in some cases becoming passionate advocates. In conjunction with the involvement of individual families in the cross cultural adoption process, Australia-wide support groups have taken shape and grown, Ethiopian cultural events are promoted, linkages with the expatriate Ethiopian community have been initiated, Australians have traveled to Ethiopia, Australian politicians have been lobbied, and business ventures have begun. As a small part of the global intercountry adoption phenomena, Ethiopian-Australian children have unwittingly become agents of change, and have given their adoptive parents a hybrid sense of identity and affinity.

Climate change and food security: predicted changes in nutritional quality of cassava under future climate scenarios
Dr Roslyn Gleadow, School of Biological Science, Monash University; Dr Julie Cliff, Faculty of Medicine, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane Maputo, Mozambique
Significant problems facing the world today are global climate change and food and energy shortages. Cassava (Manihot esculenta; manioc) is a staple crop for over 750 million people, particularly in Africa, and its use is increasing rapidly. Yet it contains high concentrations of compounds which break down to release toxic cyanide when crushed or chewed. The amount of cyanide eaten in cassava flour is reduced by various processing methods, but not completely. Too much cyanide and insufficient protein in the diet can lead to outbreaks of the paralytic disease konzo. Cyanide poisoning  is debilitating and can sometimes lead to death. If cassava is to continue to feed Africa a number of important questions need to be addressed: Will cassava be safe to consume?  Will there be any interaction with fertiliser rates and drought? During drought the amount of cyanide in cassava flour increases and epidemiological work done by us has documented an increased incidence of cyanide toxicity, particularly in children and pregnant women. Similar problems arise during times of social unrest. Until now one of the certainties of the future world was that plant growth would be enhanced with higher levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. Recent research by us showed that cassava produces fewer and smaller tubers under conditions that simulate future climate scenarios. In addition, the leaves become more toxic. It is essential to consider such  issues when attempting to mitigate the effects of climate change.

Justice for the Oromo People
Hailu Goche, RMIT University
The Oromos are the largest ethno-national group in the Horn of Africa and constitute over 50% of the current Ethiopian state population. Their homeland Oromia (Biyya Oromo) borders Abyssinia in the north, Ogaden and Somalia in the East & south-East, Sudan to the West and Kenya in the South. Despite having a commanding lead in numbers and reside in areas rich of natural resources, they were reduced to a minority in the political, economic and social structures of the state.

The present geographical contour of the Ethiopian state came into existence at the end of the 19th and early 20th Centuries. With the introduction of guns to the area by Europeans, Menelik II managed to change the balance of power in his favour and brought the areas inhabited and governed by the Oromos and beyond under his imperial control. The period was marked as the period when the then European powers (Britain, France, Germany, Belgium and Italy) under the treaty of “the scramble for Africa” (1884/85) declared their intention to colonize Africa in search for cheap human and material resources. According to recent estimates, there are over 200,000 Oromo refugees around the globe, of which around 100,000 resettled in Australia, USA and Canada. The remaining 50% still languishing in the refugee camps in Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, Egypt, Yemen, and the Middle East.

This work is a brief introduction about the Oromo people, their relations with the Ethiopian state and raises factors that contributed to the colonization of them by the Ethiopian state for over the last 100 years. It also explores how mistreatment and abuse in the hands of the Ethiopians have led to the birth of a pan-Oromo (Oromoness) movement. It will also look at the emergence of Oromo nationalism and the achievements gained and the internal and external impediments facing them to free themselves from Ethiopian colonization.

World Heritage: People or Places? Partnerships for the Integration of Natural and Cultural Heritage in Australia and South Africa
Professor Lee Godden, Melbourne Law School, University of Melbourne 
The World Heritage Convention, adopted in 1972 offered legal protection for natural and cultural heritage. In Australia, the convention assumed major importance in early conservation movements. Australia has a relatively well established World Heritage regime that includes internationally recognised areas such as Kakadu National Park and Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park. Most Australian sites are the subject of varying co-management arrangements with Indigenous Australians. Despite a sometimes turbulent history, Australia’s management of its World Heritage areas is now regarded as a best practice paradigm.

In South Africa, the experience with World Heritage areas is more recent, with the first World Heritage site declared in 1999. Today, there are 8 World Heritage Sites in South Africa. Though less extensive than regimes in Australia, the South African program has been lauded as highly innovative in many of its policies and laws for protected areas. In practice however, joint management of World Heritage sites in South Africa has met with significant criticism, with many identifying problems in establishing feasible co-management.   

A key issue in both jurisdictions has been how to successfully integrate natural and cultural heritage values into World Heritage management practices. This article dissects this issue, to establish what effect, if any, this nature/culture dichotomy has on the management of National Parks in Australia and South Africa. Alongside this discussion, the necessary conditions for genuine co-management regimes are identified, and their applicability in the context of South Africa and Australia determined including the need to acknowledge the continuing and complex interrelationship between environmental and cultural significance.

Understanding the Causal Relationship between ARV Treatment Failure and receiving a Temporary Disability Grant: A practical Study
Darren Gough, The Institute for Youth Development, South Africa

Horn of Africa small businesses in Victoria
Abdiwahid Hassan, School of Accounting and Finance, Victoria University
In the past 10 years there has been a shift in Australian migration patterns with the introduction of the Refugees & Humanitarian program which has included migrants from the African continent, particularly the Horn of Africa which includes Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Sudan.  Some of these migrants have commenced their own small businesses in Western Suburbs of Melbourne

This paper report investigates those businesses operated by migrants from the Horn of Africa and to document the experiences of the operators based on data gathered from interviews with 24 small business operators.  The paper will report on the demographics of the businesses and their operators, motivations for commencing the business, future ambitions, the problems they faced and their access to business support facilities.

The study found that most of African small businesses are micro-enterprise and are run mainly by family members. Most of these businesses are in the areas of catering, retailing and money transfer services and designed to serve the special needs of African community members. The main motives of those businesses are to gain self -employment or provide services for African customers to foster and meet their socio-economic and cultural needs. The study found that the lack of awareness of small business operators about the available support services and the service providers have adversely affected to the performance of small businesses.

The findings provide useful information for those interested in supporting new small businesses; particularly those businesses operated by persons with an ethnic background and identify a number of problems that these small business operators are facing.

Language, identity and settlement:  Exploring language maintenance and settlement issues among Sudanese refugees in regional Australia
Dr Aniko Hatoss, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Education, University of Southern Queensland
This paper reports some preliminary findings of a 3-year project (2008-2010) funded by the ARC Discovery Scheme. The project aims to develop a new theoretical model of community-level language planning in the context of African refugee communities in a regional Australian settlement. The study is focussed on the role various languages play in the successful integration of the African refugee communities. While English is the key to employment, education and social integration into the wider Australian social fabric, African languages continue to play an important role in maintaining strong ethnic, cultural and ethnolinguistic identity as well as in maintaining strong social and support networks within the refugee communities. The project outcomes provide insights for government bodies in relation to the effects of their language intervention and the broader resettlement programs. The preliminary findings presented here are based on a survey conducted among secondary school Students of refugee background and 14 pilot interviews with 14 Sudanese families. The first half of the paper will focus on the demographic background and policy background of settlement in regional Australia. The second half of the paper presents the research method and the preliminary findings.

National Identity and the Visual Arts
Professor Bernard Hoffert, Senior Associate Dean, Faculty of Art and Design, Monash University
The visual culture of South Africa has traditionally been rich and varied. During the 1970s and ‘80s its international image was dominated by an art of resistance. In the last decade this has given way to an increasingly diverse visual format as greater social and political freedoms generate a more liberal approach to contemporary art. Opportunities to express views on social and political issues are no longer regarded as subversive and content which comments on gender, health, sexuality and identity are emerging from a broad group of artists, where both individual creativity and community involvement contribute to the aesthetic output. Integral to this creative outpouring, as with most post colonial countries, is the issue of national identity, a national perspective which embraces the vast cultural resources of the indigenous and non indigenous traditions and which can be seen, both internally and internationally, as the image of South Africa. An essential aspect of this will be conveyed through the arts, particularly visual culture. This paper considers issues of creativity and identity for a multicultural community.

Digital Disaster Recovery Planning for Sub-Saharan African Countries
A. Aden Ibrahim, Somali Cultural
Civil / International war appears in many international newspapers almost daily.  Most of those civil/international wars are in Africa.

Why has Africa had so much civil/international war?  In all other regions of the world the incidence of civil/international war has been on a broadly declining trend over the past thirty years, but in Africa the long term trend has been climbing up.

Of course, every civil/international war has it’s ‘footprints’ – the warlords, the social cleavages; the triggering events being the inflammatory speeches, the ethnic cleansing and atrocities.  Once the preliminary stages of the war starts, internal systems of the country start to self-destruct, by exodus of he knowledgeable and skilled brains, by looting of the public properties and basic infrastructure, and by diverting most, if not all of the country resources towards military needs.  However can we learn from the past experiences and start introducing disaster recovery planning for all sub-Saharan African countries, while the target country is still in order and accessible.

The international organisation with more experience and financial resources will start initiating in time, the DRM for the education systems, by funding a predesigned plan to backup electronically, the entire ministry of education’s records, frameworks, instructional materials, and all supplementary related educational materials (rhyme, songs, children and pre-school materials).

These will be kept in a confidential, common African vault, until the dust settles. Meanwhile the international community will have something to start to work with, to develop emergency educational material, from frameworks known to both educators and students for the country at war.

Slowing the implosion of the Horn of Africa
Mohamed Ibrahim, Chairman, Centre for Research and Dialogue, Mogadishu, Somalia
The Horn of Africa is a failed region. Civil wars, corrupted leaders, natural disasters (famine, floods, etc), are the main causes that contribute to the implosion of the region. This paper traces the source of the major problems that retards the economic progress and human development of the region, cause the civil wars that lead to the refugee crises and the famines that follow. It is easy to document major problems and analyse them, however, we will attempt to put forward policy suggestions and ideas for government decision makers and others to consider before they load the next shipload of rice to a refugee camp in Darfur or Ogaden. How can we expect that the same failed policies of the past 50 years to produce different outcome in the future, if all the variables involved still remain the same?  

Has it always been like this? Are there ways to slow down, arrest and reverse the tragic implosion of the region? Has the international community’s aid and humanitarian efforts helped resolve the past crises? Can they do it now or in the future? Are there alternative strategies one should consider to break the well known ‘poverty-civil War-economic-under development’ cycle?

The colonial legacy and pointing the finger to past injustice will not resolve the current crises. Organic new ideas and creative methods from within the region are urgently needed  to solve the problems of the Horn of Africa. The role of the diaspora from the region is crucial but limited. Expanding the role of the diaspora and engaging them with the intention of ensuring their positive contribution in resolving the problems of the region is one of the suggestions the paper will promulgate.

Africa hit hardest by global warming despite its low greenhouse gas emissions
Dr Temesgen Kifle, School of Economics, University of Queensland
There is now overwhelming scientific evidence that the earth is warming and its consequence is significant for countries with limited human, institutional and financial capacity to adapt to and cope with change. Africa hit hardest by global warming despite contributing very little to global climate change. Given the limited human and capital resources, many countries in Africa have been making efforts to cope with climate change; however, integrated and sustainable measures should be taken by developed nations and international organisations to help Africa mitigate the effects of global warming. Though the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is to help developing countries to achieve sustainable development by allowing developed countries invest in climate mitigation projects in developing countries, Africa is currently getting a meagre share as countries like China, India and Brazil gain strong competitive advantage.

Development Co-operation, Crisis Management Vs EU Visibility in Africa
Patrick Kimungui, Monash University
This paper seeks to examine the role of the EU in managing crises in Africa. It argues that the EU’s involvement in conflict prevention and resolution in Africa is driven by the dual aim of becoming more visible as a major international actor and also enhancing its presence on the continent. To this end, since the 1990s, the EU has been re-inventing development cooperation and instruments for humanitarian assistance. It has also been creating instruments for crisis management within the framework of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which may enable it to be in a better position to exercise its influence on conflict prevention in Africa. Part One of this paper reflects on the post-Cold War discourse on EU policy towards Africa. Part Two focuses on the EU’s development cooperation policy as a conflict prevention instrument. Part Three examines the EU’s response to humanitarian crises. Part Four, examines the EU’s policy on conflict prevention in Africa within the CFSP framework and Part Five is the Conclusion.

Collecting Then and Now: Recent African Acquisitions at The South Australian Museum
Dr Tabawebbula J Kivubiro, Margaret Trowell School of Fine & Industrial Arts, Makerere University Kampala, Uganda
This paper looks at newly acquired Baganda artefacts at the SA museum, collected by an African guest curator and its relationship to an earlier one of Baganda artefacts from the early 20th century by a prominent South Australian, Victor Newland, (maternal grandfather of former foreign minister Alexander Downer in the Howard Government). Aside from the fact that the old collection came to the SA Museum by accident of historical circumstances the new acquisition was especially collected for the museum for a specific purpose unrelated to the earlier one, although intended to complement it. The paper explores the status, significance and meaning of this material (new and old) within the SA Museum as Western cultural institution vis a vis that of its indigenous origins within the cultural context of owner producers. In the process it highlights new and evolving significance of the material with respect to current social changes in Australian culture and the new roles the material may come to play within the museum as a changing institution in Australia society today. African material culture in Australian museum collections symbolises a common heritage between African and Australia burdened with baggage originating in the colonial enterprise. However it provides an important link to cultural origins for African migrants via which they negotiate their shattered identities and assert their cultural presence in Australia. It also offers opportunities for peoples of the two continents to forge ahead together in collaboration to overcome problems and embrace a common future with dignity especially via culture.

The Rapidly Emerging Africa-China Trade and Investment Ties: Sources of Legitimacy
Nir Kshetri, Assistant Professor, Bryan School of Business and Economics, the University of North Carolina at Greensboro
The intra-developing world trade (also known as: South-South trade) is rising rapidly. In particular, strengthening economic and business ties between Africa and China have attracted policy makers’ attention worldwide. In this paper, we examine how Chinese firms have won and maintained political, social and economic legitimacy in Africa and give an overview of the main sources of legitimacy in the Africa-China business ties. First, we examine the strategic fit of China-originated resources from the standpoint of consumers, businesses and key decision makers in Africa.  Then, we employ institutional theory as a lens to provide insights into how China fits in the macro-level rules of games in the continent.

Discourse of capacity building in Kenya: The NGO case study
Dr Kiprono Langat, Charles Sturt University
T
his paper identifies the Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) discourses of building the capacities of the communities in Kenya by way of education/training, poverty alleviation and ‘sustainable development’ that I have considered as being some of the neocolonial tools for constructing and ‘developing’ impoverished subjects.  Some of these major tools that I refer to as metanarratives (used interchangeably with discourses) include project short-termism, partnership, sectorisation, harambeeism and prioritization, ‘old’ and ‘new’, managerialism, and most recent ‘Internally Displaced Peoples’ (IDPs).  Most of these metanarratives are discussed by relating them to the selected stakeholders’ perceptions.

Cape Flats Smile
Ismail Larney
The dental practice of extracting the four maxillary incisors from patients who request a “Cape Flats Smile” is unique to the Cape Flats area of Cape Town, South Africa. The “Cape Flats Smile” or commonly known as “passion gap” is a  phenomenon  that is known to exist for approximately 80 years and coincides in origin with the Cape Minstrels Carnival (also called the Cape Coons), as well as the graduation  of the first, South African trained dentists (1926).

The Cape Flats phenomenon has three coincidences of timing, viz; (1) the effects of the freeing of the slaves, (2) first dental graduates, (3), passion gap extractions.  These, plus the unique and critical geographic location of the Cape Flats as well as the innate spirituality and humanism (ubuntu) in the way Africans overcome great hardship, were the collective characteristics that formed the evolution of the “Cape Flats Smile”, phenomenon. It is my belief that any case of ablation of teeth by means of a rock or spear, during the last eighty years, would be recorded as “common assault” and not be defined by the judicial authorities as a “Cape Flats Smile.”

Australian Miners in Africa: Some dot points and research questions
Dr David Lucas and Penny Kane, Australian National University
In his Africa Day speech in May, 2008, Australia’s Foreign Minister, the Hon. Stephen Smith, stated that more than 300 Australian resource companies are active in Africa, with existing and prospective investments of around US $15 billion.

This introductory paper looks at changes associated with the resources boom.  It does not attempt an inventory of all  300 companies: instead it focuses on newspaper reports covering a few dozen of these. A core Table will show their operations and geographical distribution. The discussion includes the problems of comprehensively studying this industry, the progress, risks and returns for the Australians, and the extent to which Australia is profiting from Africa. The paper also briefly touches upon the role of Chinese in Africa, Australia’s understanding of Africa and the common future of Africa and Australia.

An AFSAAP Renaissance?
Dr David Lucas, Australian National University
In 2008 AFSAAP will be 30 years old. Prior to the 2007/8 AFSAAP conference in Canberra there was some informal discussion about whether or not AFSAAP needed to reinvent itself. This paper will provide a basis for the discussion of this theme, starting with ‘the prognosis for African Studies in Australia’ made by Cherry Gertzel in the June, 1998, issue of the AFSAAP journal, African Studies Review.

Initial questions are whether AFSAAP

Various groups that are largely disconnected from AFSAAP are identified: these include African students in Australian Universities, Australian miners and other companies who are operating in Africa, and community organizations and service providers that cater for Africans in Australia.

The paper evaluates AFSAAP’s current activities, and makes suggestions for broadening its involvement in areas such as monitoring, advocacy, and the dissemination of information, and for linking up with other organizations, both locally and internationally.

Globalisation, Failed States and Pharmaceutical Colonialism in Africa
Dr. Tanya Lyons, Senior Lecturer, School of Political and International Studies, and the Globalisation Program, and 2009 Editor of the Australasian Review of African Studies
Within the discourse of failed states, is the perennial debate about definitions of what makes a weak or failed state. The capacity of the state to protect its citizens from forces both within and outside its borders is one criterion relevant here.  Another criterion is the economic and social vulnerability of the people.  The significance of these two criteria of weak states in the age of globalization is because global corporations can take advantage of weak policies and institutions within that state in order to exploit the poverty and to be examined here the case of diseases of the people to use them as ‘guinea pigs’ in clinical drug trials, in many cases for drugs destined for the western market, for western illnesses.  Indeed the pharmaceutical industry and its operations in developing countries have come to light in the wake of the success and publicity of the film The Constant Gardener (2005), based on John le Carre’s novel (2001) of the same name, and following from this, the release of Sonia Shah’s  non-fiction version of the same issues in the Body Hunter: Testing New Drugs on the World’s Poorest Patients (2006).  It will be argued here that this {dysfunctional) marriage between global corporations and weak states creates a form of ‘pharmaceutical colonialism’, that is enabled by the processes of globalization.

Mac Maharaj
Peacemaking and power sharing in Africa - Building on the South African experience

Work and Family in a Cross Cultural Context: A Comparative Review of Work/life Experiences of Working Mothers in Adelaide (Australia) And Harare (Zimbabwe)
Dr Virginia Mapedzahama, Lecturer, University of South Australia
The issue of work/life “balance” has, in recent years, attracted increasing media and research attention. However,
much work/family research continues to focus on single countries (predominantly affluent countries of the west); based primarily on studies conducted with white (oftentimes middle-class) workers, and with relatively little comparative research done with other regions of the world. By juxtaposing the black African (Zimbabwean) woman’s work/life experiences with those of her western (Australian) counterpart, the study reported in this paper contributes towards filling this gap in research. Specifically, this paper is based on the analysis of interviews with thirty women in Australia and Zimbabwe (fifteen in each research site), to explore the commonalities and diversity of the work/life experiences of women in two diverse regions of the world. Keeping in mind the distinct economic and socio-cultural heritages of the two countries, my rationale for comparing two such different countries is that it is possible to learn more from such analyses, and therefore more about the diversity of employed women’s experiences, than through the study of two countries that are similar to one another. By drawing out the commonalities of the women’s work/family experiences, the paper also affirms the complex nature of the work and family interface for women in Zimbabwe, whose work/family experiences remain a neglected subject of research. In so doing, the paper concludes that work and family linkages are as much an issue for women in Africa as they are for women in the west; what differs is the ‘magnitude of burden’.

‘Discipline and Punish’: Inscribing Metaphors of the Body in Zimbabwe’s Postcolonial Crisis
Kudzai Matereke, PhD Candidate (Australia) and Lecturer (Zimbabwe), University of New South Wales and Great Zimbabwe University
While the postcolonial crisis in Zimbabwe has received wide attention from an array of perspectives, little, however, has been done to show how metaphors of the body can be utilised to fully capture how the contending players have appealed to the metaphors in their claims for both legitimacy and relevance. This paper seeks to contribute to the discourse of African postcolonial thought by showing how metaphors of the body can illuminate and add new nuances to the current postcolonial crisis. Relying on the Foucauldian thought that hegemonic culture maintains its dominance through its management of the body; this paper seeks to show how ‘disciplining and punishing the body’ not only invokes the structuration and discursive forms of power in the body politic but also depicts the miserable status of the body politic itself and thus explain the current crisis bedevilling the nation. The paper demonstrates the centrality of the body in the history of political and religious thought as it seeks to argue for new ways of appreciating the Zimbabwean postcolonial crisis. The metaphors of the body and the prevalence of the appeals to the body by political actors mimic the deplorable suffering of the body politic in ways that seek further analysis of the maladies within the nation.


On the question of the marginalisation of community groups - some lessons from rural South Africa
Patrick McAllister, Anthropology Programme Director, University of Canterbury

Racism experience for young Southern Sudanese men in Melbourne
Ndungi wa Mungai
Young refugee men from Southern Sudan have reported experiencing racist treatment from the police and other agencies. This confirms a consistent pattern of African men’s experiences in their settlement in Australia. The study is part of my PhD that examines the role of the intersection of gender, age, culture and class in the determination of health inequalities among young refugee men. The research involved interviews with 29 young men, 10 service providers and two focus groups with young men and with fathers of young men.

Literature indicates that racism has a significant impact on health via stress and has both physiological and social consequences. At the physiological level, stress has adverse effects on our health and at the social level it reduces our chances in accessing vital resources such as employment, education, housing and recreational amenities. Discrimination and subsequent stress effects depends on other factors including previous experiences, personal resilience and availability of social support.

For the Southern Sudanese young men, the previous experiences include being a refugee and a marginalised nationality in Sudan. As young people, they also experience other disadvantages in society in terms of various restrictions and generally low incomes. Young Sudanese men also explained that, in their culture, it is common to travel in groups. However, here they often get harassed by the police for being in groups and wearing hip-hop street fashion. The full impact of racism, therefore, needs to be appreciated in the context of the intersection of refugee background, age, gender, culture and class.

Art and Democracy in South Africa – A Southern Perspective
Dr Kevin Murray, Research Fellow, Faculty of Art & Design, Monash University.
It is tempting to think that the international support for the struggle in South Africa completed its work with the abandonment of Apartheid policy in 1990. However, Apartheid can be seen to have supported hierarchies that continue to shape South African society. While blessed with a particularly vibrant craft scene, there are few pathways for a talented South African craftsperson to present their works in the context of an art gallery. This effectively excludes black rural communities from access to a privileged theatre of cultural identity. At the same time, the romantic Western idea of artist is challenged by indigenous models of creativity such as sangoma. Initiatives in South Africa are emerging to re-consider the methodology of Western art history, such as the Gavin Jantje's Visual Century and the CIHA colloquium on Art and the Global South. What emerges from this cultural reform in South Africa has important relevance for other cultures across the latitude, such as Argentina and Australia.

The Ethnic and Linguistic Turn in Zimbabwean Politics: 1980 – 2008
Finex Ndhlovu, Research Fellow, Victoria University
The terrain of Zimbabwe’s postcolonial national politics has always been characterized by struggles within a struggle. These struggles that have punctuated the internal politics of the ruling party and opposition parties alike have in the main been motivated by ethnic/linguistic factors as opposed to differences in political ideology. In this paper, I attempt to flesh out and discuss relevant empirical evidence indicating that in Zimbabwean politics ethnic and linguistic loyalties matter a lot. I argue that while violence, intimidation, appropriation of the liberation war and political patronage may have helped sustain and perpetuate Robert Mugabe’s uninterrupted hold onto power for almost three decades, the linguistic/ethnic factor has been equally influential. The split of the MDC into two factions in October 2005, which left the opposition party weaker than ever before, did not have as much to do with differences in political ideology as did the differences in ethnic and linguistic loyalties. During his 28 year rule, Robert Mugabe has managed to outwit his potential challengers from within and from outside ZANU PF by skillfully manipulating the ethnic and linguistic card to his advantage. At the end of the day, the main political contenders have remained embroiled in parochial ethnic/sub-ethnic squabbles leaving Robert Mugabe swimming above the storm with very little or no hindrance at all. By highlighting the role of language and ethnic issues in shaping the contours of national politics, this paper hopes to bring some new insights to our understanding of the Zimbabwe crisis.

Somali youth and cultural adaptation in school context (Melbourne, Australia, and Minneapolis, USA)
Yusuf Sheikh Omar, LaTrobe University
Somali youth from the cities of Melbourne and Minneapolis, are generally spirants to and positive about the current and future educational opportunities they have in Australia and the USA. But those from Minneapolis tend to speak more clearly about these opportunities. Both youth and parents agree that Somali girls perform well at school compared to boys.  Students’ preferences for post-secondary programs are varied. Reasons for choosing these programs are also different, but the most popular reason is to help Somali people who are in difficult situations because of the protracted civil war. Both student groups from Melbourne and Minneapolis mentioned several educational challenges. Girls, however, believe that parents’ pushing their daughters to get married earlier is the biggest challenge that may prevent them from continuing further studies and future professional work. Whether they are inside or outside school, most Somali students who participated in this study make their friends from among Somali youth because of cultural and religious similarities, and because of pleasing their parents. Finally, with the exception of two girls, Somali youth show that they have been fairly treated by their teachers.

The role of the African Diaspora needs to play in the future development of Africa
Leigh Pillay, President, Australia Africa Business Council NSW
The African Diaspora living in western countries ARE African investment abroad. We have a significant contribution to make to our home countries. Most of us are educated professionals or business people who have lived and learned in the west for many years. We have acquired a wealth of skills , resources, knowledge and finances. We are looking to invest in development programs in Africa for a fair return. We have greater access to information, opportunities and ideas which can translate into assisting the development of the domestic African population.

African governments need to realise that they have a vast untapped resource abroad and work more aggressively toward targeting, encouraging and engaging their Diaspora on a more consistent basis to invest in their home countries.

If Okonkwo Could Write, What Would He Have Said?: Intertextuality and the Representation of the Igbo Writer in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's Half of A Yellow Sun
Anita Harris Satkunananthan, School of EMSAH, University of Queensland
This paper explores the characters of Ugwu and Okeoma in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's Half of a Yellow Sun as embodiments of the educated Igbo man and writer. Adichie is a contemporary Nigerian woman writer in diaspora who has dealt with the idea of Biafra in both her novels as well as a play. In Half of a Yellow Sun, she writes back to the idea of both the figure of the poet, Christopher Okigbo, and the character, Okonkwo, in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart.  Christopher Okigbo, an important figure in the consciousness of Igbo writers, is, in Adichie’s novel, an enigmatic, sub-cultural hero who represents the ideal of the Biafra revolution. Adichie's representation of Okigbo is as a complicated, intertextual simulacra of the man which speaks to the idea of narrative constructing identity. Her main character, Ugwu, on the other hand, begins the novel as a semi-literate boy from a village, and ends up an unexpected author who pens a Biafran elegy. In doing so, the persona of Ugwu seems to enter into an intertextual dialogue with the mysterious, reflexive authorial persona which narrates Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart. This paper looks at how the intertextuality and narrative in Adichie’s novel provide a means of intersecting with the recent past while also exploring how these figures have influenced  contemporary Nigerian women writers. In doing so, the paper aims to unearth how identity and a sense of belonging are constructed within the narrative spaces of these writers.

Caught in the Crossfire: Writing conflict in two African novels
Dianne Schwerdt, Discipline of English, University of Adelaide
The link between history and literature is nowhere more clearly seen than in the last fifty years of writing out of Africa. Historical events underpin those narratives that focus on the damaging fall-out from wars of liberation and the dismantling of Empire. In this context, the history of Africa is a history of violence and African literature is writing that attempts to reflect and reflect on the conflicts embedded in Africa’s disengagement from Europe and its legacy of violence. This paper looks at the very different construction of such conflict in two novels, published almost half a century apart. Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s A Grain of Wheat (1967) and Yvonne Vera’s The Stone Virgins (2002) are two of the most seminal texts of their times. Ngugi’s novel, set in a village in Kenya in the days leading up to Independence in 1963, and looking back on the period of the Emergency, is one of the first fictional representations of the impact of a war of liberation on an indigenous population. Vera’s novel, set in the five years that followed the declaration of Independence in Zimbabwe in 1980, is a powerful contemporary rendering of the continuing impact of such wars. Both novels redefine commonly experienced conflict through an interrogation of the ordinary, focusing on local figures caught in the crossfire of globally driven forces.

Delivery of Settlement Services for inclusion, Growth, and advancement in the Australian wider community by the “Eastern And Central Africa Communities of Victoria Inc.” - Theresa Sengaaga Ssali, Eastern and Central Africa Communities of Victoria Inc.

Among Others, EACACOV Manages the African Holistic Social Services of Victoria (AHSSV) a delivery services agency run by Africans for Africans to Support and Develop Africans and other migrant groups in Victoria

An evaluation of EACACOV’s achievements against its aims and objectives will be presented, thus assessing the contributions to the African communities in Victoria (Australia).  Basing on experience, research and client feedback, noted is that its use of innovative approaches has provided the clients with culturally sensitive support, which has helped build independence thus facilitating integration into the Australian society.  For example in 2007, over 40 complex cases connected with African-Australians were referred to EACACOV by the mainstream services providers (due to cultural sensitive issues) such being on top of the usual service delivery across a diverse geographic spread around greater metropolitan Melbourne at Prahran, Footscray, Noble Park, St. Albans, Oakleigh, Clayton, and Dandenong.

Given the foregoing, this paper will present and provide education on how some African-Australians are using community organisations to build a better future for fellow Africans from all the diverse  communities in Victoria in particular and Australia in general.  This case study provides some lessons about how groups could use their environment to create developmental initiatives of a better common future of Africans and Australians including enhancing linkages with home countries for various joint outcomes.

The Use of Force in UN Peacekeeping: the Experience of MONUC
Jim Terrie, Independent consultant (former Senior Analyst International Crisis Group – Africa)
The UN mission in the DRC, MONUC, was established in 1999 as an observer mission but by mid-2003 it faced collapse, The French led an EU force to stabilise the region of Ituri that had seen some of the worst atrocities. The respite allowed the UN to reconfigure and reinforce its mission but it was again challenged and failed in mid-2004 when Congolese Tutsi rebels, led by dissident General Laurent Nkunda, captured the town of Bukavu which was being protected by UN forces.

The near collapse of the mission led to  substantial reinforcement. From early 2005 the Eastern Division of MONUC, under the command of Dutch General Patrick Cammaert, expanded its use of force, confronting militias and creating an improved security situation in Ituri and the Kivus.

Many of the mission’s weaknesses are endemic of most UN missions: poor management, doctrinal confusion and an over-stretched force operating with too few troops.  However, while the mission evolved to meet the changing situation on the ground, these changes have largely been made as a consequence of events rather than in anticipation of them - often after violence has occurred, with Congolese civilians paying the price.  MONUC’s problems are both specific to the mission itself and also symptomatic of the challenges and problems of UN peacekeeping operations. The greatest challenge has been to use force effectively in order to protect civilians, the mission, broader peace process and occasionally regional stability. This paper will discuss the experience on MONUC, particularly in the period 2005-2007 to assess the evolving use of force and asses the impact and lessons for UN peacekeeping more broadly.

African Cultural Education and the African Youth in Western Australia: Experimenting with the Ujamaa Circle
Peter Mbago Wakholi, High School Teacher and Doctoral Candidate, Murdoch University
In this paper examines cultural issues that concern a specific group of African migrant youths. The ten youth participants three of whom are male and seven female share their concerns and desires about issues relating to their cultural identity. As a minority group in a predominantly Eurocentric society they are faced with cultural challenges, which influence their being namely: Racism and the pressure to assimilate. In this paper I explain the application of “The Afrikan Centred Cultural Democracy” approach and how it was applied to the participants. Through the Ujamaa Circle process the youth participants along with the facilitator examined the challenges to their cultural identities and alternative liberatory options. Growing up in a culturally alienating Eurocentric culture, they felt the need for an African cultural space, in which they could explore issues affecting them as African descendants. In particular racism and assimilation were of major concern to them. They were of the opinion that there should be an ongoing African Cultural Education Program to facilitate cultural re-evaluation and continuity. The paper concludes by proposing that there is a need for an ongoing African Cultural Education to facilitate cultural re-evaluation and continuity. Cultural re-evaluation may lead to a conscious development of Bicultural Competence. Within the African Cultural Education conceptual framework, in addition to African cultural-re-evaluation, it is possible to critically explore oppressive and domineering practices of the mainstream culture.


English language proficiency and settlement: Perspectives from Australia’s Africans
Vera Williams Tetteh, Macquarie University
Australia is a plurilingual state that maintains English as its national language – the language for participation and possibly progression in mainstream society. English proficiency plays an important role for immigrants’ settlement in the country by affording them a foothold on the rungs of a stratified society. This paper proposes that language training may yield positive outcomes – proficiency.  However, English proficiency may not necessarily provide immigrants with the needed social and symbolic capital, and recognition (Bourdieu 1989) for progression in this predominantly western society. This sociolinguistic ethnographic study examines issues pertaining to language training for settlement with insights from adult English-as-a-second language (ESL) learners. I draw on the language learning and settlement trajectories of African immigrants in particular and settlement discourse in general to analyse the role of English language as a socialisation tool in Australia. Critical Discourse Analysis’s (CDA) discourse-historical approach (Fairclough 1985; Wodak 2001) is employed to map micro (interaction) data on to macro (social) issues to highlight the social (co)construction of the African identity in Australia.

Findings will (a) complement previous work on the socialisation and the (co)construction of minority immigrants in western societies and (b) illuminate the complex dynamics at work in African settlement in Australia.

Mediatised public crisis and the racialisation of African youth in Australia
Joel Windle, Lecturer, Faculty of Education, Monash University
In this paper I argue that patterns of reporting on ‘African youth’ in Australia show how both the constraints under which the media operates and the wider sources of institutional racism contribute to new applications of  racialising frames.  I seek to establish specific patterns of racialisation through an analysis of newspaper articles appearing in Melbourne over a roughly two month period when media attention was focused on a series of violent incidents in which African refugees were identified as either victims or perpetrators.  Initial reporting is determined by journalistic reliance on police accounts of incidents involving a racially defined ‘problem group’ as evidence of the predispositions of this group within a wider narrative of worsening gang crime.  The racialising premises established by police are retained even in subsequent coverage framed by the problematic of ‘integration’. Despite racism being identified and named in the course of reporting, it remains subsumed under the weight of frames which assume that the problem lies essentially with the ‘problem group’.

The new scramble for Africa – plunder and resistance
Leo Zeilig, Senior Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg
In the last eight years Africa has been in the grip of what has been called the ‘new scramble for Africa’, or more precisely the scramble for African resources. The new thirst for Africa’s mineral and oil wealth was triggered by a number of factors. In the post 9/11 world the United States became particularly concerned with the inadequacy of its post-1945 global oil strategy that rested on the tenuous stability of two regions – the Middle East (principally Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq) and South America (notably today Venezuela). Even if the US was prepared to intervene in Iraq in 1990 and to invade and occupy Iraq in 2003 to secure these supplies, Africa was regarded as an important alternative source. The continent - with Nigeria pre-eminent - has become a central focus in the global hunt for oil supplies. Oil explorations have proliferated. The Gulf of Guinea in West Africa has become an area of frenzied and contested activity that has seen international corporations competing for oil contracts. The commodity boom - another important element in the recent scramble - has been fuelled by additional demand from China, and to a lesser extent India. Africa has again become a disputed site for geo-political competition, today between the US, China and the EU. But still some commentators were ready to pronounce this moment as one of great possibility for the continent. The IMF’s World Economic Outlook stated excitedly in October 2007: ‘Sub-Saharan Africa is clearly enjoying its best period of sustained growth since independence.’ The recent scramble for resources in Africa gives us no reasons to be cheerful. This paper will look at the extent of some of this recent scramble, but also to those forces that have traditionally contested the plunder of the continent.

China’s Investment in Africa: Expanding the ‘Yellow River Capitalism’ and its implications
Dr
Connie Zheng, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia
In recent years, China has been seen as a major investor and aid donor in Africa.  Some argue that China does so to help Africa moving out of poverty (eg. Ravallion, 2008).  Others contend that China intends to build ‘an alternative world order’ and shift the world political power from Washington to Beijing (Leonard, 2008, p. 118; cf. Alden, 2007).  For the economists, China’s investment in Africa seems a natural move as China demands for natural resources and energy to fuel its continuous economic growth and the resource-rich Africa is complementary to meet such demand (Goldstein et al., 2006).  For the political scientists and sociologists, long term risks which impose further inequity between sectors and among rich and poor may need to be appropriately assessed when appraising the short term opportunities to boost the African economies (Posner and Young, 2007).  This paper intends to shed some lights on the extent of China’s investment in Africa and discuss the implications of the expansion of the ‘Yellow River Capitalism’ on the social, political and economic contexts in Africa at the macro-level and on the international management at the micro-level.

Diasporic Sensibility
Kirk Zwangobani, Teacher / PhD Candidate, University of Canberra
James Clifford (2005) in his essay Diasporas asserts that the language of diaspora is increasingly invoked by displaced people who feel a connection with a prior home, or rooted in a homeland.  Anthony Appiah (1996) in his early work on cosmopolitanism discusses this rooted-ness as a form of cosmopolitan patriotism, living here whilst maintaining patriotism to our homeland.  Both suggest the roots of one’s identity in country and kin far beyond the borders of the “host country”. 

Picking up on the notion of diaspora I seek to explore the effect on the formation of identity when those roots are severally weakened or severed due to ongoing violence and destabilisation of an economy, a currency and democracy as in the case of Zimbabwe.  In other words how do we reflect upon the turmoil and instability occurring and negotiate the possibility of our origins disappearing in a place that has shaped who we are How does my identity, firmly rooted in Zimbabwe as a homeland, change when the experience of a stable homeland now remains either in my memory or in my hopes for the future?

In an attempt to answer such questions I will examine ‘second generation’ African Australians’ sense of belonging to the emergent African diaspora in Australia and the tension that exists between notions of “rooted” and “routed” cosmopolitanism.  I will draw on my PhD research of African Australian youth in Canberra, the Australian media representations of events in Zimbabwe and my own position as an African Australian with familial links to an African homeland in Zimbabwe.

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