Conference papers
~~~ All final conference papers linked below have been fully peer reviewed by AFSAAP ~~~
Editorial commentary - Peter Mbago Wakholi
Queen Victoria and Africa: Some personal connections
Liz Dimock
Historical research has drawn attention to ways in which Queen Victoria’s name was invoked in negotiating treaties, shaping terms of trade and establishing missionary and educational projects. Monarch from 1837 to 1901, Victoria was nominally a central figure during a period when Britain’s interest in Africa was expanding. But what were her personal associations with the continent and the complex political and economic imperative that evolved during her reign? While the Queen’s role is largely seen through the words and actions of her courtiers, politicians, colonial officials and adventurers, occasional glimpses in archival material give a more personal insight.
My paper proposes that this is an under-researched area of scholarship. I suggest that the anti-slavery movement, a powerful force in women’s circles during Victoria’s childhood and reaching a peak in the years around her accession, was influential in her thinking about Africa. The paper examines her meeting with three freed slaves at different times during her reign.
Bernard Leeman, Queen of Sheba University, Florida
No convincing archaeological evidence has been forthcoming in Palestine and Israel after eighty-nine years of excavations to substantiate the Old Testament historical record of events that occurred prior to the 586 B.C.E. Babylonian captivity. Leading Israeli archaeologists have concluded that Moses, Joshua, David and Solomon never existed while others suggest that the narrative was a fable concocted in Babylon.
Some academics have suggested that the pre- Babylonian historical account in the Old Testament is largely accurate but the location was not in Palestine and Israel but to the south, between Medina and Yemen. Evidence supporting this theory includes the demographic distribution of Jews in the Arabian peninsular before 1948, place names, the occurrence of Hebrew grammar and vocabulary in Ancient West Arabian and the economic and political situation in that area between ca.1000 – 925 B.C.E. (the zenith of the united Israelite kingdoms) when Egypt and Assyria temporarily withdrew from Arabia (where they controlled the Sabaean/Sheban trade routes) respectively to deal with the Sea Peoples and Aramaean population movements.
This paper concludes that evidence from traditions concerning the Queen of Sheba appears to support the hypothesis of an Arabian Judah and Israel. It focuses on a close examination of the Sheba-Menelik Cycle of the Gee’z epic Kebra Nagast and in particular reassesses in detail the ca. 700 B.C.E.Sabaean inscriptions of the realm of D’MT at Adi Kaweh controversially recorded by Richard Schneider in the 1970’s. Powerful local traditions identify the village with the 10th century A.D. Hebrew Queen Yodit of Damot (D’MT?) perhaps suggesting that the area remained a Hebraic/Israelite state independent of Aksum until the Solomonic restoration in the early 14th century.
Pharmaceutical colonialism – ethical issues for research in Africa
Tanya Lyons, School of Political and International Studies, Flinders University
The big pharmaceutical companies and their contract research organizations (CROs), are exploiting the citizens of weak and/or developing states due to a failure or lack of ethical policies and rules designed to protect against unethical clinical drug trials. They are exploiting the citizens of weak states, because globalization is a hindrance to state strength and of benefit only to global corporations. However, some African states support the interventions and investments by pharmaceutical companies trialling new drugs in their health systems, suggesting that they are a weak state, for approving clinical drug trials that would not be approved of in the western world. Their justifications for approval include the fact that something is better than nothing, in reference to access to drugs (even if they are being trialled). This ‘better than nothing’ approach to health development hinders the success of the Millennium Development Goals of Global Health for All, and it signifies a patronizing and colonizing outcome for weak and developing states in the age of globalization. The ethical issues for conducting clinical research in Africa will be explored in light of the above concerns relating to health development in weak states.
Cape Town to Cairo in a ‘red’ cocoon
Margaret O’Callaghan
Over fifty years before the existence of the Lonely Planet Guide and Overland Trucks, and with only minimal assistance from the inexorable Thomas Cook, two Melbourne University women academics travelled from Cape Town to Cairo. The year was 1922, and at a time when the British Colonial system was so widely established that it was possible to travel almost the entire route “in the red”. The journey took eight months and was recorded by Ancient Historian Jessie Webb in the form of letters, a diary and photographs.
The material was transcribed by me for the first time in 2008/9, with some assistance from Professor Ronald Ridley, Webb’s biographer. The paper will provide an overview of the journey as described by Webb and a preliminary analysis of her observations. What is remarkable is how relatively easy it was for two middle aged Melbourne women to undertake such a marathon journey and the explanation is largely that they were enabled by the Colonial system. They were so well protected that there were few mentions of wild animals and dangerous situations and far more of the various social events which were organized for them by Colonial officers. Webb was an indefatigable reporter and also provided many descriptions of the administrative systems and issues encountered on their travels and a constant, albeit superficial, commentary, on diverse aspects of local life and scenery. However, just like current day Overlanders, they did in fact, travel in a “cocoon”, largely insulated from the reality of African lives and culture.
Susana Saffu, Charles Darwin University
Currently, migrants play a major role in Australia’s diverse population growth. While most migrants used to be Europeans, the number of non-European migrants, especially Sub-Saharan Africans has increased significantly since 2000. This may be due to natural disasters, political unrests and civil wars in their home countries. It may also be due to the fact that Australia has promoted policies of multiculturalism and integration of migrants. These policies have broad goals that include social, economic and political participation of migrants in their communities (DIAC 2008; DIMA 2006; DIMIA 2002). Various forms of education have been used to implement these goals (see Allender, 1999; AMEP 2008; Falk et al 2000; Galbally 1978; Hill & Allan 2004). For migrants, education is not only an adaptive strategy for social and economic integration but also a means of survival as well as an important step in reconstructing identities and rebuilding their lives (Bron 2003). Having an understanding and knowledge of the language, socio-economic, political and cultural issues of Australia will not only help migrants to be aware of their rights and responsibilities; it will also assist them to participate fully in their communities.
This paper, drawing from a qualitative study in-progress, explores the role of Adult Education in building the community capacity of African-Australian women in the Northern Territory. While recent studies of African migrants have focused on mental health, cultural, employment, housing and English language acquisition issues in other states of Australia with little or no reference to women’s capacity building and the Northern Territory; this case study uses a methodological approach based on heuristic phenomenology (Ricoeur 1993; Van Manen 2002), feminist standpoint and decolonizing theories (Belenky 1997; Hooks 2000; Hesse-Biber 2006) to give a voice to African-Australian women in the Northern Territory. It will examine their experiences – their struggles and achievements; and highlight the important role of adult education in community capacity building.
Conduct and misconduct of a forgotten colonial governor
Roger Scott
William Gowers, variously known as “Wicked Willie” or “Naughty Willie”, governed Uganda between 1925 and 1932. Despite his colourful reputation among his contemporaries and his extended family, he is barely mentioned in the history books. Even though Uganda was a relative backwater, he made a particular contribution in education, resisting the dominance of the CMS missions and their emphasis on promoting English rather than Swahili. He also played a pivotal role in moves toward closer union among the British colonial territories of East Africa. The paper focuses upon material discovered in archives in Oxford and Cambridge recording an investigation at the highest level of the Colonial Office examining whether Gowers should be found guilty of misconduct and dismissed. This saga gives a rare insight into the inter-personal relationships among the colonial elite.
Nuba mountain solidarity abroad
Omar Shurkian
Ethnicity, youth and violence: Young African refugees’ experiences in South Australia
Renae Willsmore, University of South Australia
African (Acholi) men experiences: How research can help African people in Australia
Juma Abuyi
While there are several services in Australia funded by DIAC for refugee/migrant and humanitarian entrants to overcome challenge brought about by resettlement in a new country (DIAC, 2009), there are no or few services that focus on refugee/migrant African men. The Australian public has little knowledge about the Acholi people in Australia, and they are likely to have little knowledge of the impact of current Australian services on the life of African males in general. According to Ife (2002:3) services that have been designed for a predominantly Western society have “not been an effective mechanism for bringing about a fairer society” and in the African (Acholi) context these services do have the potential to result in “greater excesses of social inequality and injustice”. It may not be culturally appropriate for African (Acholi) men living in Australia to access services that have been predominately developed for western society. In addition, the issues facing refugees and migrants have never been adequately addressed in the literature on migration (Papastergiadis 2000:54). This presentation will focus on acculturation, refugee’s experiences, migration and settlement issues including challenges for researchers, service providers and policy makers. It will lay down some ways to overcomes the challenges brought about by resettlement, success factors and suggestions for solution including organisational good practice.
The presentation will concentrate on issues relating in particular to the Acholi men because of my background coming from the Acholi tribe in south Sudan. This means that I have many contacts in Australia of that same tribe. My knowledge comes from personal experience and from my occupation as youth worker, family support worker, and a family relationship counsellor with African refugee/migrant including humanitarian entrants groups in Australia. In addition, through various positions as a community leader I have been in close contact with African communities throughout Australia.
Economic cooperation with sub-Sahara African countries: An antidote for China sustainable development
A. B. Amadasun and I. O. Olukayode
The Basel Convention and the growth of electronic wastes in Nigeria: What is the way forward?
Solomon Amuno
Questioning community participation or pacification in development projects for Africa: Case study of African microchip training program in South Australia
Chika Anyanwu, University of Adelaide
Jeffrey Sachs (2005) in his book, The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time says that the first steps to poverty relief and proper development comes with the establishment of basic infrastructures such as road, power and education however, Easterly’s analysis of Sachs’ proposal, believes that: large-scale crash programs, especially by outsiders, often produce unintended negative consequences. The simple dreams at the top run afoul of insufficient knowledge of the complex realities at the bottom. Piecemeal reform, by contrast, motivates specific actors to take small steps, one at a time, then tests whether that small step made poor people better off, holds accountable the agency that implemented the small step, and considers the next small step (Easterly, Washington Post March 13, 2005, P BW03). Such top down approach from outside agencies creates a paediatric positioning of participating local agents whose intellectual capacities are undermined. According to Amolo Ng'weno (2004) “it seems we are all resentful not so much of globalization per se, but that its rules have been written by foreign minds and Euro-centric perspectives, and thrust down our throats". In order to address such problems local participation and knowledge are essential in any foreign development programs targeted at Africans whether in the diaspora or at home. This paper will use the experience from an ongoing development project in South Australia, African Microchip Training Centre, to evaluate whether foreign development programs for Africa are really meant to engender local participation and control or are meant to capitalise on the vulnerability of recipients to promote their own business interests because, according to Franklin (1990, p.72), “black professionals are the unelected representatives charged with responding directly to the needs of the black community”.
Who are Tingjieng? Auto-ethnography, globalization and Sudanese women
Melanie Baak, University of South Australia
It has been suggested that “forced migration is a fundamental part of globalisation and thus cannot be studied in isolation” (Ganguly-Scrase and Vogl, 2008). This presentation will examine the particular case of Jieng (Dinka) women from Sudan who have been resettled in Australia after protracted experiences living as refugees. Since 1998, over 23, 000 Sudanese refugees have been resettled in Australia. Many of these are single women heading large families. The presentation will consider how globalisation has played a part in the lives of Jieng women through examination of their experiences during the 22 year civil war in Sudan, living as refugees in countries of exile and eventual resettlement in Australia. Additionally it will consider how the stories of the women may shape discussions on globalisation. Through examining the life histories of Jieng women as well as using autoethnographic research approaches to consider the positionality of the researcher as a Jieng woman by marriage, but an Anglo-Australian by birth, the presentation will also examine how globalisation has affected who Jieng women are today.
Exploiting women in the west African tragic triplets: Sierra Leone, Liberia and Cote d’Ivoire in comparative perspective
Isiaka Badmus, Centre for Peace Studies, University of New England
Africans and migrants in Australia
Prosper Baeni
African Union (AU) and the burden of conflict resolution
Ahmed Biliamin
Tax effort in mineral abundant developing countries. Evidence from sub-Sahara Africa - 1990-2005
Thuto Botlhole
Does fiscal policy differ between successful and unsuccessful post-conflict transitions? Lessons from African civil wars?
Fabrizio Carmignani, School of Economics, The University of Queensland
Peace tends to be more fragile in the aftermath of a conflict. It is therefore important to understand the factors that can help consolidate peace during the post-conflict period. The recent literature in this area has mostly focused on political and institutional mechanisms. On the contrary, relatively little attention has been devoted to macroeconomic policies. This paper is a first attempt at filling in the gap. We present a theoretical characterization of the potential impact of fiscal policy on the stability of post-conflict peace. We then use a sample of war-torn African countries to estimate the impact of various fiscal policy variables on the probability of war and peace, focusing in particular on the decade after the end of a conflict. We employ various statistical techniques to offer a wide perspective on fiscal policy effects. A number of interesting empirical regularities emerge. The success of post-conflict transition does not require downsizing the government. On the contrary, successful post-conflict transitions are on average characterised by an increase in the size of the government. However, this increase occurs in such a way that the overall stability of public finances is not heavily compromised: both expenditures and revenues increase at a comparable pace. Moreover, in successful post-conflict transitions, the increase in government size involves an increase in the incidence of capital expenditure relative to government consumption (whose contribution to horizontal redistribution is questionable). On the revenue side, budgetary grants appear to strengthen the chances of success. At the same time, and contrary to common-sense intuition, a larger burden of debt does not seem to compromise the probability of successfully completing the post-conflict transition.
China and Africa: A new paradigm in education cooperation
N. I. U. Changsong
Africa and its leadership in a restructuring world
Samuel Daka
An assessment of the economic and legal integration in sub-Saharan Africa with regard to the phenomena of globalization
Ansoumané Diakité, Center for African Research and Development Studies, Inter-University Institute of Macau
In the aftermath of independence of African countries in the years 1960, the Africans leaders were drastically oriented toward a great integration of the continent. The first one was the political integration, which aimed to create a United State of Africa. Along with this initiative, other integration activities were undertaken at economic level and on regional basis. It is in that context that some regional economic integration was established in western part of the African continent (ECOWAS, UEMOA…) and in Southern part such as SADCC. Being aware that the economic integration could not be enough to attract the investors in their respective markets because of the inconsistency between the legal systems of the countries that are parties to the treaties establishing the economic integration, the need to integrate the rules governing the business through an efficient harmonization was noticed. Following this concern, OHADA was established in order to harmonize the law governing the business activities of some French, Portuguese and English speaking countries of the Sub-Sahara of Africa. Thus, beyond the analysis of the various integration initiatives undertaken by African nations in the last decades in the political, economic, and legal areas, this paper aim to discusses the challenges and opportunities of integration that African countries face, and based on this it identifies issues that need to be examined further.
Reporting of Africa by the Western media
Alex Donato, Senior Public Information Officer, UNHCR, Canberra
For most Africans in diasporas, news, and reports about Africa is received through some of the many TV channels, radio waves and varied newspapers, magazines, and documentaries, cinemas movies, and the interactive internet spaces, which form part of the dominant media in the contemporary western countries they live in. Or at least through correspondences with relatives, friends and colleagues who are still living in Africa.
This work is hoped to assess the image of Africa reported by the International Western media to their audiences and the implications the reporting to the continent. It also tries to explore the question that the reporting of Africa by international media often creates a skewed and unbalanced representation of the continent by mainly highlighting stories of deaths, diseases, disasters, bad governance, underdevelopment, wars and many other despairing stories. As a result, this quite often leaves Africans in diasporas in disgust after watching some western TV reports about the continent and in disillusionment after reading about it in some western newspapers or magazines. Therefore, to examine some of the underlying principles for such reporting of Africa, this piece of work is devoted to consider the following content identifications by the International western media:
• What News worthy issues about Africa gets precedence over others during news hour or on the front page of a broadsheet or tabloid newspaper?
• How does the reporting influence the views/opinions of its audiences toward the issues/problems Africa is facing?
• What are the potential implications?
• Finally, is the International Western media doing Africa more disservice than good in their reporting of the issues of the continent?
Beyond Bagamoyo: Exploring the challenges of race, religion and the politics of belonging in the African diaspora in America
Austine Duru
Violence against women in selected Nigerian video films and novels
Chioma Enwerem
The use of electric vehicles in Africa: A drive towards sustainable transportation
Ezeka Franklin, Macau University of Saint Joseph
The transport sector is facing a lot of challenges in recent times due to its total dependence on petroleum products as energy source. Especially in Africa, due to failure in road transport system and almost absence of other mode of transport such as rail way system, the demand of petroleum products as transport energy is continuously on the rise making most of poor African countries servicing the transport energy system with half of their foreign earnings. The high cost petroleum products and the issue of climate change has brought a debate of shifting to sustainable transportation. This paper provides a review of Africa transportation system, energy consumption, greenhouse emissions by sectors, possibility of shift to alternative renewable transport energy source and factors that will affect the future trend of energy consumption and GHG emissions. It further explores the socio-economic gains of using electric Vehicle (EV) powered by solar energy as alternative transport energy source in line with UNFCC clean development mechanism (CDM) of Kyoto protocol.
Resettlement and integration strategies of migrants and refugees – comparative studies
Haileluel Gebre-Selassie
In 2008, as Australia recorded the largest surge of migration in its history due to the need to meet skill shortages, the critical issue of integration became more relevant and central to the country’s settlement and long term population strategies. The 2008 migration figure exceeds those of the previous two well known historical migration periods: the Gold Rush of 1854 and the post-Second World War European migration push. On the one hand economic benefits to be derived from the Gold Rush and in addressing skill shortages have triggered dramatic increases in Australian migration. On the other hand, fear of foreign invasion and regional power imbalances have led to concerns to defend the country through policies such as “populate or perish” and also led to an increase in migration numbers, particularly in the immediate post-war period.
This presentation argues that our current high migration intake heightens the need to promote better integration for migrants and refugees to improve social cohesion. We have learned from other countries’ experiences through the Winston Churchill Fellowship tour that better integration of refugees and migrants is critical to the long term interests of both the host community and migrant communities. Australia is a leading country in allocating resources and effort to settlement services for migrants and refugees. However the Fellowship report find that the efficiency of the settlement program and the integration part of the settlement process require further improvement in order to achieve better outcomes. This presentation also explores and document projects and programs that contribute to integration strategies for migrants and refugees in New Zealand, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Germany and Israel.
Needs analysis for African seniors and elders in preparation for retirement in Australia
Njau Gitu, Southern Cross University / African Seniors Club, Australia
Settlement distribution and secondary migration patterns of African refugee communities in the Southeast Queensland: trends and implications
Wendy Harte, Queensland University of Technology
Over 4,000 African refugees have resettled in Queensland through the Australian government’s Humanitarian Program. Refugees have inevitably experienced severe disruptions in their lives because of the very nature of forced migration. African refugees, in particular, are one of the most disadvantaged groups to resettle in Australia, and it is, therefore, critical to provide effective settlement opportunities to these communities. This paper investigates the settlement distribution and secondary migration patterns of eight African refugee communities in Southeast Queensland. Results indicate that African refugees have a high rate of secondary migration, with housing a key factor driving this movement. The public housing sector was able to support newly arrived refugees in the past, however, a critical shortage of housing stock has increasingly forced refugees into the private rental market where they are more vulnerable to market forces. Participants also reported significant obstacles negotiating and competing in the present tight rental market. As a result, some communities are dispersing as households move to find affordable and suitable rental accommodation, often away from other members of their social and ethnic networks. It is to these networks that refugees most often turn when faced with housing and other settlement difficulties, however. Secondary migration is causing disruption to these critical networks and, consequently, the settlement process. These findings have implications for settlement service providers.
The Rudd government: Restructuring Australia’s approach to Africa?
Geoffrey Hawker, Politics & International Relations, Macquarie University
The Rudd government promised substantial changes to Australia’s approach to Africa in its first phase in office, foreshadowed by Rudd’s speeches when still in opposition. Then he argued for a new era of engagement with Africa, especially because of China and India’s increased investment across the continent. If there was a new ‘scramble for Africa’, Australia could not afford to be left behind. Commercial imperatives undoubtedly guided the new government, but there was promise too of a new approach to issues of development and aid. The government thus seemed set to challenge the indifference that had largely characterised Australian official attitudes since at least Fraser’s time.
This paper offers a balance sheet of the achievement of Rudd’s government to date and shows that some changes have been made in line with the earlier promises but that long standing challenges of a political and strategic nature continue to inhibit relationships at both bilateral and multilateral levels. The paper concludes with some suggestions for accelerating progress across the remainder of the government’s term and into the term of the next government.Can ‘lack of education’ be the source of the major problems in Africa? A case study form Somalia
Mohammed Ibrahim, University of Melbourne
Reconciliation, accountability and the rule of law in modern societies: The tensions among talking, punishing, and ordering in the aftermath of political violence in Africa
Victor Igreja
One of the key challenges in the aftermath of different forms of political violence in modern societies is to devise mechanisms and strategies to deal with serious wrongs perpetrated by officials of predecessor authoritarian regimes and former war foes in conflict zones. Political elites in countries going through various types of political and military transition have opted for strategies originating from practices of reconciliation through the use of public fora, including spirit ceremonies. In these contexts dialogue about the past unfolds into accountabilities brought to traditional courts where distinctions are drawn between the guilty and the not guilty and punishment for the perpetrators is enacted where possible. Accompanying these two types of politico-legal strategy is the establishment of the rule of law which provides order in societies in tune with contemporary realities and challenges. These strategies are very problematic and give rise to serious tensions and sometimes put into peril the foundations of the new democratic polis. At the same time, in spite of tensions between the politics of elites, local communities, which often are the main targets of extreme violence, also develop their own understandings and trajectories to deal with the legacies of violence in their midst. Within this context of multiple layers of apparently imperfect solutions and unfinished tensions devised by communities to create viable life routines, this panel aims to engage in these debates by discussing critical ideas confronting the discourses of political elites with regard to viable societies and pressures that local communities face in order to thrive. We invite to this panel papers that addresses these contemporary dilemmas by focusing on cultural, political and legal processes involved in the creation of viable political communities in modernity, conflictual or post-conflict societies.
Disarming for development: Women, disarmament and the reconstitution of northern Sierra Leone
John Lahai, University of New EnglandInternational student flows, R&D spill-overs, and economic growth: What can we learn from African countries?
Thanh Le, School of Economics, The University of Queensland
Using modern panel cointegration estimation techniques, this paper examines whether tertiary student flows can effectively transmit technological knowledge from industrialized countries to less developed countries in Africa. The results obtained lend strong support to this hypothesis. In addition, this paper extends the analysis to include institutional variables such as the ease of doing business, the legal origins, and religious majority in order to see if institutional characteristics affect the way knowledge diffusion affecting total factor productivity. However, it is not clear that institutional differences are important factors that influence the degree of research and development (R&D) spillovers and, hence, the total factor productivity of African countries.
Sudan's march to the ballot box: Strong men, security and the institutions of peace
Wendy Levy, Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, Australian National University
Sudan faces multiple challenges, with security coupled with lack of infrastructure arguably the most pressing of all. It is the only country in the world with two UN peacekeeping forces, UNMIS for the south and the joint force with the African Union, UNAMID, for Darfur. Sudan's population of internally displaced people is the highest in the world, while millions more Sudanese live outside the country in refugee camps or in the diaspora. In the south and adjacent areas, there is sporadic but increasing incidence of fighting, including among factions in the organised armed groups, among cattle herders and with armed groups guarding oil installations. Attempts to shut down the Ugandan-based Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) have proved futile and they now attack southern Sudan from Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic. Nevertheless, as set out in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Bashir Government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, a national census has been held and preparations are underway for elections in 2010, to be followed by a referendum on the future for the south. At the same time, President Bashir is under threat following charges by the International Criminal Court. This paper will outline the current situation in Sudan and discuss future prospects, including how the country can foster peace by strengthening institutions.
Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and the changing nature of African politics: The case of CSOs - government relationship in Malawi
Jonathan Makuwira, School of Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, RMIT UniversityThe nature of contemporary African politics in the 21stcentury and the increasing engagement of civil society organisations (CSOs) (including International NGOs) in the social, political and economic endeavours in the developing world, buttressed by their “Northern” counterparts, is an issue that has received a significant degree of attention in the development discourse. However, the changing nature of African politics and its implications on the operationalisation of CSOs, especially in the social development sector, still remains one of the areas of scholarship that is largely under-explored. The ripple effects of the influence of the European aid agencies on both the African governments and civil society organisations has greatly changed not only the power dynamics but has also reconfigured the politics and relationships between states and CSOs. These changes further call for microscopic scrutiny and analysis of the long-term effects on social development within Africa.
The aim of this paper is to critically analyse the implications of Malawi’s changing nature of politics on civil society organisations. Broadly peaking, the paper seeks to illuminate whether or not civil society organisations in Malawi have embraced a particular ideological position that has spatially found its locus onto the Malawi government’s development agenda, as a result of their (CSOs) dependence on the ‘Northern’ aid agencies and/or International NGOs. In illuminating the lessons of this case study, the paper interrogates whether or not the changing nature of Malawi’s politics – from dictatorial regime to multi-party politics offers any social development leverage and, in what ways, can their partnership be reconfigured to benefit the socio-economic and political life of the ordinary people. The paper concludes by offering alternative strategies aimed to enhancing Malawi’s and, ultimately, Africa’s place in a ‘restructuring word and in the ‘North-South’ partnership.
Ain’t we anything but black? Narratives from the New African Diaspora in Australia
Virginia Mapedzahama & Kwamena Kwansah-Aidoo
Over the past twenty years, Australia, like other regions, has seen a somewhat steady flow of continental Africans into the country, as part of her migration and humanitarian policies. The arrival of continental Africans, often constructed as “Blacks” raises several questions with respect to identity and belonging. For example, what does it mean to be and live “Black” in a society, which, not only abandoned its “White Australia” policy a little over thirty years ago, but must also now grapple with the transnational nature of its citizenry which includes African Blacks? We use a reflexive narrative to present stories of our everyday lived experiences as Black Africans, negotiating the multiple complex layerings of not just our Blackness, but our diasporic African existence. We address the challenges and contradictions of negotiating reified and homogenised Black/African migrant/outsider labels and identities. In particular, we reflect on our endeavours to confront distorted interpretations that seek to identify and categorise our existence in terms of victimhood: as the unknowing, uneducated, oppressed, dispossessed persons of colour. The ensuing analysis is not intended as theoretical discussions of race, racism, or race relations in the wider Australian context. Rather, they are “our tales of blackness”, of the dilemmas of negotiating subjectivity; the multiple and paradoxical ways of being “other”.Of cholera, citizenship, democracy and the Zimbabwean crisis: Towards a cosmopolitan framework
Kudzai Matereke, University of New South Wales and Great Zimbabwe University
This paper contributes to debates on the Zimbabwean crisis, particularly the recent cholera outbreak and its implications for citizenship and democracy. First, it seeks to argue that the cholera epidemic brings a new prism of analysis to the Zimbabwe’s decade-long crisis, especially as the epidemic provides a window of analysing the nexus between state’s incapacity to confront challenges and its implications for democratic citizenship. Second, it also argues for the need to interrogate the challenges posed by cosmopolitanism as it competes with the meta-narratives of nationalism. The crisis resulted in Zimbabweans fostering complex affiliations and multiple allegiances to political ideas and traditions, people and also places in ways that have presented opportunities for understanding citizenship within a transnational framework as conventional notions of belonging and identity have been challenged from within and outside the state. The pluralisation of political identities and social networks is constantly in conflict with the nation-state’s urge to foster a singular political identity. This raises the conundrum of the legitimacy and efficacy of weak and near-collapsed states in providing for their citizens. The Zimbabwean crisis reached its peak with the escalations of the cholera epidemic, which also defied the national boundaries as it spilled into neighbouring countries, thus pressurising them to call for a resolution to the political impasse. The central question is how cosmopolitanism enriches our understanding of national political formations and national identities. In the same vein, it needs to be asked how does cosmopolitanism shape political action and also the moral universe which defines our obligations and also how do failing states react to these obligations that involve their citizens and ‘outsiders’, especially how the citizens and the state usually seize and shun the opportunities presented by the transnational of deterritorialised affiliations. Cosmopolitanism as a discursive practice points to the fluidity, openness and plasticity of identities and political affiliations, a way which African politics cannot avoid in the future.Rape as a weapon of war in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Sara Meger, University of Melbourne
Rape has been a constant aspect of warfare and in today’s civil conflicts, rape is a systematic and brutal weapon used by perpetrators against civilian populations. This paper examines the theoretical approaches to understanding rape as a weapon of war and the contextual conditions that facilitate its use. Applying this theoretical framework to the extreme war rape occurring in the Democratic Republic of Congo, this paper offers insight into understanding the function of sexual violence in the ongoing conflict in the DRC. In particular, this paper argues that the use of rape as a weapon in the Congo’s bloody war must be understood in relation to both social constructs of masculinity and the politics of exploitation that have shaped much of the country’s history.Migration and marginality: Urban transformation in United States and reorganization of the communities in an era of globalization
Lindah Mhando
The role of Mugabe, white people and civilians in building a prosperous Zimbabwe?
Ashton Mutasa, Curtin University of Technology
This paper seeks to find out more on what contributions Mugabe and local white people can make to positively initiate a stable, peaceful and prosperous Zimbabwe. Many observers have noted how both sides pledge support for their country but cannot work together or support each other due to untenable positions they have developed over the years. Terms such as racism, neo-colonialism and unilateralism have been buzz words that characterise Mugabe’s apparent refusing to co-operate with his white nemesis. On the contrary terms such as governance, corruption and repression have been used to characterise Mugabe’s rule. What is the scope of the white community working with any local movement to resolve the current quagmire towards building bridges and sustaining peace and new democratic principles of inclusive engagement? Is glass half full or half empty?
The dynamics between participation in organized sport and socio- cultural transitions into the mainstream Australian way of life: A Somali youth case study in W. A.
Ashton Mutasa, Curtin University of Technology
This paper focuses on the dynamics between the socio-cultural transitions encountered by Somali youth in Australia and their participation in sport and recreation as a way of integrating into mainstream Australian way of life. In particular, I consider their ability to self-care without government support. This demonstrates remarkable community resiliency that I believe can be harnessed by government and resettling service providers to benefit new arrivals and refugees into Australia. Their initiative is particularly impressive considering the daunting transitions from refugee status to permanent resident as if natural transitions into adulthood are not enough!
Recent research by Edith Cowan University and the government of Western Australia shows that there is a lot of interest from CALD youth to participate in sport and recreation. Using the Somali youths as a case study, my research in progress seeks to find out why the huge interest has not resulted in existing clubs being swelled by new members from this background. Issues such as linking mainstream participation to integration will be considered as well as local government’s concerns in supporting new clubs from this cohort. The challenge for the sports community as well as the state is creating a program that embraces the facts that they are youth, in transition, resettling and have other priorities.
Patterns of the African language ecology: Another framework for a "United States of Africa"
Finex Ndhlovu, Victoria University
"One voice”. A challenge in the management of settlement services to emerging communities. A case study: Goulburn valley experience and impacts to the settling African communities
Apollo Nsubuga-Kyobe, La Trobe University
Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC) aims to build Australia's future through the well managed entry and settlement of people. For settlement services DIAC tends to contract out various agencies to fulfil this obligation. In the Goulburn Valley region (i.e. Shepparton) the Ethnic Council of Shepparton and Districts (ECSD) shoulders much of this responsibility. In undertaking and supporting different models of settlement in the region it has highlighted the challenge of planning and carrying out delivery of such services on a basis of “One Voice". This paper highlights the challenges that emanate from this approach, as well some solutions will be suggested. Although numerous merits as well emerge from the “One Voice” or “One Stop Shop” approach, it is critical to examine the opposite outcomes from the practice for the impacts minimisation, which is motivated by the need to improve the services delivery. The second aim is to provide some balanced views (i.e. shed light generally) in regard to regional/rural settlements using the Goulburn Valley as a case study. Generally, it is observed that each region has its impediments and support (i.e. push & pull) factors. Thirdly, few regional cities in recent times have experienced direct refugee settlement from overseas camps and at the same time received reasonably high influx of ‘internal secondary migrations’. Thus these experiences provide wonderful and reach lessons in connection with rural/regional migrations. Finally, as DIAC objective goes (to build Australia's future through well managed entry and settlement of people), partly this paper assesses the extent by which this aim is being fulfilled using the Goulburn Valley and the impacts to the African communities settling there as a case study. Thus, the additional objective is to seek contribution to the minimisation of stress and other bottlenecks new arrivals face in regional settlements. Gaps and challenges identified in our settlement services delivery include: a need for well articulated skill sets to support relevant regional planning, which part of the criteria in drive relevant migrants to the respective region, appropriate interpreters’ services, skills recognition and upgrading facilitations, and learning opportunities, appropriate volunteers, mentors, and extent of community support, how to promote integration and participation so as to build new networks and the resources to achieve the key ingredients, recognition and sustenance of the cultural and religious glues, and support to school going young people who migrate with their family members. These matters are to be examined in the context of this paper.
Colonial legacy of border conflicts in Africa: The case of Nigeria and Cameroon
Geoffrey Nwaka
The security reform program and the threat of HIV/AIDS program in Africa
Christopher Nwosu
Entrepreneurship as an intervention strategy to poverty alleviation in developing economy
B. E. A. Oghojafor, O. O. Olayemi, Dept of Business Administration, University of Lagos & O. O. Oluwatula Psychology Dept., Redeemer’s University
Dougou gbera: War making and how Côte d’Ivoire became "Côte d’Ivoire"'
Dele Ogunmola, University of New England
This paper discusses the protracted crisis in Côte d’Ivoire. It highlights the feasibility of democracy and reconciliation in the country. Grounded in empirical study, the paper focuses on the spoilers that hinder the peaceful settlement of the conflict that divides the country into two zones controlled by the rebels and the government. Additionally, content analysis of public statements will be used to explain the idiosyncrasies of the stakeholders in the Ivorian political scene. Some researchers and observers of the crisis have argued that the way forward is organisation of credible elections. However, the main the main argument is that the burning issue is how to reconcile the fractionalised society in a divided country as a way to forge national unity and reconciliation among the sub-national entities that constitute Côte d’Ivoire. In the final analysis, the paper suggests a new constitutional arrangement that will be based on a legitimate Federal System for the political leaders to speak the language of peace. The present presidential and unitary system of government that favours a “winner takes all” will make it extremely difficult to foster reconciliation and avoid the disintegration of Côte d’Ivoire as a political entity originally carved out by France.
Gendering violence: The oil paradox, women and conflict in the Niger delta of Nigeria
Christiana Ojakorotu
The Niger Delta in Nigeria has attracted the attention of human rights activists and environmentalists over the years due to incessant violence arising from the Nigerian state and oil multinationals’ policies towards the local people. The grievances of these communities centre on three fundamental issues of environmental degradation that is by-product of oil exploitation, gross marginalization and total exclusion of the local people from access to oil wealth that has been generated from the region for over four decades.
Nigeria is the world’s sixth-largest oil exporter with billions of dollar accruing to the state yearly but this does not translate to physical development of the Niger Delta which generates more than eighty percent of national wealth. The perceived insensitivity of the state and oil multinationals to the plight of the oil-bearing communities has informed the recurrence of violence in different dimensions with serious consequences on both the women and children of the region. For three decades, the men of the region had adopted the violent method to change the policies of the state and the foreign oil multinationals with little or no success.
However, women in the early 90s began to employ peaceful protest in the Niger Delta, a departure from the thirty-year long male-orchestrated method of resistance. This paper will, inter alia, highlight the circumstances that stimulated women involvement in oil violence in the region, the responses of both the state and oil multinationals to women-led protests and the policy prescriptions which if implemented, could arrest the cycle of violence in the Niger Delta.
Psychological correlates predicting entrepreneurial emergence and performance in Nigeria
O. O. Olayemi, Dept of Business Administration, University of Lagos O. O. Oluwatula, Psychology Dept., Redeemer’s University, & O. J. K. Ogundele, Dept of Marketing, Lagos State University
This paper examines the psychological factors (emotional intelligence, modelling and self-efficacy) that predict the emergence and performance of entrepreneurs in Nigeria. Bandura’s social-cognitive theory and Goleman’s model of emotional intelligence were adopted to investigate this issue. It was hypothesized that psychological factors such as emotional intelligence, modelling and self-efficacy would significantly predict entrepreneurial emergence and performance. A sample of 250 young Nigerians was chosen to participate in the study and psychological measures were administered on them. The results show that there are some interesting relationships among the emotional intelligence, modelling self-efficacy and entrepreneurial emergence and performance. The study concludes that the participants do intend to become successful entrepreneurs in the near future and subsequently may change the landscape of economic activities in Nigeria. The policy implications were also discussed.
Sudan, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Congo-Brazzaville, Liberia, Tanzania and Uganda
Gerald Onsando & Ignacio Correa-Velez, Refugee Health Research Centre, La Trobe University
This paper reports on education, employment and other social outcomes of 173 African men from refugee backgrounds living in Southeast Queensland. The paper is part of a broader longitudinal study - The SettleMEN project - which is investigating health and resettlement needs among 233 adult men who arrived in Australia under the government’s Humanitarian Program. The findings indicate that many participants were involved in either full-time or part-time study, with quite a significant proportion of them reporting good progress in their studies. Difficulties finding work, high levels of unemployment, and dissatisfaction with their financial situation were commonly reported. Despite their financial difficulties, two-thirds of men were providing monetary assistance to their families living overseas. Experiences of discrimination while finding work or working in Australia were also common, mainly due to their accent, language ability or their physical appearance. Among those who were employed, more than half believed that their current job was below their level of skills and qualifications; a significant number felt that their work performance was good. This paper argues that, addressing the education and employment challenges facing African men from refugee backgrounds, within a broader socio-cultural and social inclusion context, may be one of the main contributing factors to their successful settlement in Australia. This successful settlement then extends to their capacity to contribute, either directly or indirectly, to “Africa in a reconstructing world”.
China’s economic engagement with Africa: A case study of Zambia
Sushmita Rajwar
Black feminism in Australia: The 1975 Women in Politics conference
Sherie Randolph, Dept. of History and the Center of African and African American Studies, University of Michigan Ann Arbor
At the invitation of a small group of Aboriginal and island women, black feminist Florynce “Flo” Kennedy participated in the 1975 Women in Politics conference in Canberra city, Australia. The conference’s main goal was to provide as many Australian women “from all walks of life” with an opportunity to discuss and strategize ways in which to become more involved in Australian politics. This aim of the conference was in line with Kennedy’s political organizing in the United States. At the time of the meeting Kennedy was well known among feminists of colour as the founder of organizations like the National Organization for Women, The Feminist Party and the National Black Feminist Organization as well as one of the lead lawyers who helped to repeal restrictive U.S. abortion legislation. Kennedy often encouraged women to challenge the political status quo and to become involved in either (and at times both) mainstream and radical political organizing.
The 1975 visit to Australia represented as a turning point in Kennedy’s political thinking and also served as a building block for much of her theory on black feminism and international feminist coalitions. By virtue of aboriginal women’s prodding Kennedy left the conference with a more expansive definition of racism that included a nuanced analysis of imperialism and settler colonialism. The key questions this paper will ask is how did black feminists and aboriginal feminists devise a working definition of feminism given their different experiences of oppression? How did the experience of settler colonialism shape the aboriginal women’s understanding of state sponsored oppression and as a result shift the definitions of racism put forth by black American feminists? Finally, this paper will seek to examine the Women in Politics Conference as a rare moment of coalition building between women of colour in Australia and the United States.
Too complex to fix? An analysis of international responses to state fragility and state failure: The case of rebuilding the state of Somalia
Aime Saba
Truth and silence: Personal realities and agency within Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s (The things around your neck)
Anita Satkunananthan
Historical analysis of the Rwandan prefectures of Gibsonia & Ruhengeri: The development of anti-Tutsi sentiment and the consequence of genocidal violence
Megan Schmidt, Kingston University
Examining the Rwandan prefectures of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi will exhibit that the origins of anti-Tutsi conviction in this region resulted from the political and social relationship that existed with the Rwandan central government. This relationship was established following the militarily forced incorporation of the prefectures into the German colony of Ruanda-Urundi in 1912. As a result, the predominantly Hutu population of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri only interacted with the government and society of Rwanda following the social alterations of colonization. The historical relevance of this is acute in assessing the ability for the manifestation of anti-Tutsi attitudes and the consequences this hatred possessed for the Genocide of April 1994.
Ruhengeri and Gisenyi remained independent until 1912 although both prefectures maintained their distinct pre-colonial political systems and cultural practices through the 1920s. Northern Rwanda was ultimately forced to align with the central government’s policies following this period. Contrary to the remainder of Tutsi politically dominated Rwanda, once enveloped in the monarchy’s government structure both Ruhengeri and Gisenyi preserved the appointment of Hutu officials to oversee local affairs.
The Hutu of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi acted on their hatred for the Tutsi through conducting violent uprisings during the period of colonization. Following independence multiple acts of violence against Tutsi occurred in the prefectures under both the Kayibanda and Habyarimana regimes. In addition, Gisenyi and Ruhengeri were central locations for genocidal acts during 1994. The longevity of independence facilitated the development of anti-Tutsi sentiment in northern Rwanda and therefore is essential to examine.
HIV and sub-Saharan African communities in Australia
Jill Sergeant, Australian Federation of AIDS Organisations (AFAO)
The incidence of HIV diagnoses among people who were born in sub-Saharan Africa and are currently living in Australia has been consistently high since data has been collected for this demographic group. Recent HIV surveillance data reported that per capita, the incidence of HIV is five times that of Australian-born diagnoses. People born in this region represent only about 1% of the Australian population, yet they constitute around 5% of new HIV diagnoses each year. This paper will provide an overview of recent data and research and identify key issues for HIV awareness, prevention and care.
Globalization and postcolonial malaise in Africa: Is NEPAD the way out?
Olajide Thompson, Elomak Research Centre, Johannesburg
Globalization has become a major topic of discussion and concern in economic and political circles since the mid-1990s. It is clear that the trend toward more integrated world markets has opened a wide potential for greater growth, and presents an unparalleled opportunity for developing countries including African states to raise their living standards. Globalization will continue to reinforce the interdependencies between different countries and regions. It can also deepen the partnership between the advanced countries and the rest of the world. The challenge facing the developing world, and African countries in particular, is to design public policies so as to maximize the potential benefits from globalization, and to minimize the downside risks of destabilization and/or marginalization.
However, African countries have palpably failed to take advantage of the opportunities offered by the globalized economy of the twenty-first century to address this erroneous belief coupled with other economic challenges: they receive little foreign investment, fail to produce many processed goods for export, and are less “wired” than almost any other region of the world. Despite their overall poor performance, African countries are becoming increasingly differentiated in all areas, including their ability to benefit from globalization. Only a few African nations are now poised to take advantage of the new international economy while, at the other extreme, there are a significant number of countries that are simply trying to preserve their basic institutions with little hope of successful engagement with the world.
The central argument of this paper is that the post-colonial African states are too weak to benefit from globalisation. So far, a few of them like Zimbabwe are trying to resist globalisation with dire consequences. Others like South Africa have accepted lock, stock and barrel the neo-liberal orthodoxy to the as a way of tapping the fruits of globalisation. The key challenge is how African states can tap the fruits of globalisation without necessarily succumbing blindly to the Washington Consensus together with its drive for installation of Anglo-Saxon values across the globe. The key question explored in this paper is whether the New Economic Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) is the right way to enable post-colonial African states to harness and maximize the benefits of globalisation and in a way expunge themselves from crisis?
Identity and belonging in post-apartheid South Africa: The case of Indian South Africans
Goolam Vahed
The political dimension of West African diplomacy: A study of Charles Taylor’s exit as conflict settlement in Liberia
Artanti Wardhani, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, University of Indonesia
On 11 August 2003 Charles Taylor, at that time the president of Liberia, went to the safe haven in Nigeria. This was an invitation tendered by Nigeria’s president, Olusegun Obasanjo endorsed by the international community, largely the United States (the US) and African Union (the AU) in attempt to seek peace in Liberia. Amid the absence of international community, the initial phase of the sub-regional mediation and peacekeeping intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) brought Taylor into safe haven and ended the Liberia’s conflict in 2003. First, Taylor’s exit is sufficient to end the conflict in Liberia. His departure provided new breakthrough in the stagnation peace settlement and was seen as the pre-requisite condition for transition and for lasting peace. Second, the humanitarian rationale was the proximate concern in the strategy of facilitating Taylor’s exit. Moreover, it was the urgency to avoid more loss in the conflict that gave justification to the employment of this strategy (Bøås, 2005). Third, the main feature of strategy of Taylor’s exit rest on its adhocery (Taw&Grant-Thomas,1999:71), or its procedural irregularities (Jaye, 2003:232) which bypassed ECOWAS bureaucratic channel that had been facilitating the peace process in Liberia. The ‘adhocery’ character in the diplomacy brought important implication on the flexibility and pragmatism of the West African political practices. Nevertheless it marked the importance of personal role, which is highly relevant in African politics. Fourth, the underlying political factors that influence the West Africa as a regional security system lays in the distribution of power and the relational pattern of the units there. These political dimensions will bring us to understand the process and character of diplomacy in West Africa.
An exploration of social networks of Sudanese refugees in Colac Victoria
Lisa Webber
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